NEUTRALITY OF THE NEUTRAL ADMINITRATION

Following the political remarks of the Chief of Army Staff, Lt Gen Moeen U Ahmed at a non-political gathering on March 26 and elsewhere later, a few concerns and questions come to public mind. Clearly, the General raised issues harbored by a particular political party, and not necessarily the voice of the nation.

Various actions taken by the CTG so far, with the help of the military, have been widely acclaimed. People are happy to see those who defrauded the nation and plundered national resources behind bars. These culprits should face the heavy hand of justice at the earliest. EC is working on making various steps with a view to holding fair and credible elections the soonest. The neutrality and credibility of the CTG should not be dented by dealing with any partisan issues.

Father of the Nation

The CAS has virtually hinted that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman be officially named the father of the nation. One fails to understand why the CAS decided to tread on this highly controversial and politicized issue, though being part of a temporary and neutral system.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was one of our top leaders and had huge contribution towards the independence of Bangladesh. However, I am not sure whether entire benefit for the liberation or emancipation of Bengalis should go to Sheikh Mujib alone, ignoring the contributions of such great leaders as Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq, Maulana Bhasani, Shaheed Suhrawardy, Ziaur Rahman, Tajuddin Ahmed and others.

If we interpret the history correctly, the seed of Bangladesh’s independence was sown in the Lahore Resolution of 1940. Since the Pakistani leaders failed to implement the original version of the resolution, as proposed by Sher-e-Bangla, our struggle started since. Immediately after the partition in1947, came the language movement. The fight for our rights and independent identity continued in various forms from various platforms.

If I am not wrong, it was Maulana Bhasani who first declared, after the 1970 tidal wave that devastated our coastal belt and took few hundred thousand lives, “To the West Pakistanis, As-Salaamualaikum. From now on, my only demand is Independent East Pakistan”.

Undoubtedly, Sheikh Mujib’s contributions for the emancipation of Bangladeshis in the late 60s until March 1971 are overwhelming. Few leaders could muster the type of speech to match the March 7, 1971 speech. However, we cannot ignore Ziaur Rahman who made the independence announcement at the Chittagong Radio Station on March 26/27, 1971 at his own initiative, as well as Tajuddin Ahmed who gave leadership during our crucial liberation war.

Again, why some partisan elements are clamoring for the title of father of the nation? How many countries, out of nearly 200 the world over, have father of the nation? Why is it so important or needed for Bangladesh? If Mujib is not made the father of the nation, will his contribution be diminished?

Mujib’s Legacy After 1971

I do not want to sound unkind to Sheikh Mujib, but, before we deal with the issue, we may look into the following aspects concerning his role and activities since March 1971:

Details of negotiations between the teams of Mujib and Yahya from March 15-24, 1971, to ascertain if Mujib wanted independence or autonomy for Bangladesh, even after his March 7 speech.

Circumstances leading to Mujib’s arrest/surrender on the night of August 25, 1971.

“Witness to Surrender”, by Siddiq Salek

Mujib’s administration between 1972-1975.

Mujib’s creation of Rakkhi Bahini, it’s role and actions.

The deaths and sufferings under the man-made famine of 1974/75.

The declaration of emergency in 1974 and consequent policy changes.

The 4th constitutional amendment in January 1975.

The formation of BAKSAL and its objectives

Under the new political arrangement in 1975, all political parties, political activities, assembly etc were banned except those of the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL). All publications, except the 3 government owned and Ittefaq, were banned. All fundamental rights were suspended.

I would humbly urge the older generation to walk back the memory line and reflect on these events. At the same time, I would request the younger generation, who did not have the fortune or misfortune to understand or experience that “Golden Period” (1972-1975) of Bangladesh, please read the following, among others:

“Indemnity Addyadesh Rohit—Kar Sarthey?” (Repeal of Indemnity—in Whose Interest?) an article by M M Azizul Huq published in the Daily Inqilab on November 1, 1991.

Towards the Emergency” by Badruddin Umar

“War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh” by Richard Sisson and Leo E Rose.

The N Y Times of December 13, 1974.

“Ponorai August Neechak Hatyakandda Chhilona” (15 August Was Not a Mere Killing), by A O Chowdhury, published in the Weekly Thikana of New York on November 22, 1996.

“Desh-Bideshey Jatir Pita” (Father of the Nation Around the World) by Mahmudur Rahman, published in the daily Naya Diganta on April 4, 2007 in Dhaka.

Partisan Issue

The father of the nation has been a partisan matter of Awami League. No other party or the public showed any interest in the issue. Sheikh Mujib named himself president and father of the nation through the 4th constitutional amendment in January 1975, which was nullified after August 15, 1975 and ratified through the 5th amendment in 1979. Sheikh Mujib became father of the nation again for a brief period during the administration of his daughter Sheikh Hasina from 1996-2001. It implies, for 31 out of 36 years of Bangladesh, no one raised the issue of father of the nation, nor one wanted it. Why should the CTG raise this partisan issue to make itself controversial or partisan?

I hope the public does not get a mistaken notion that the army chief is towing a particular party line, though being part of a neutral system.

RKhan
Dhaka, Bangladesh