Sunday, April 8, 2007

NEUTRALITY OF THE NEUTRAL ADMINITRATION

Following the political remarks of the Chief of Army Staff, Lt Gen Moeen U Ahmed at a non-political gathering on March 26 and elsewhere later, a few concerns and questions come to public mind. Clearly, the General raised issues harbored by a particular political party, and not necessarily the voice of the nation.

Various actions taken by the CTG so far, with the help of the military, have been widely acclaimed. People are happy to see those who defrauded the nation and plundered national resources behind bars. These culprits should face the heavy hand of justice at the earliest. EC is working on making various steps with a view to holding fair and credible elections the soonest. The neutrality and credibility of the CTG should not be dented by dealing with any partisan issues.

Father of the Nation

The CAS has virtually hinted that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman be officially named the father of the nation. One fails to understand why the CAS decided to tread on this highly controversial and politicized issue, though being part of a temporary and neutral system.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was one of our top leaders and had huge contribution towards the independence of Bangladesh. However, I am not sure whether entire benefit for the liberation or emancipation of Bengalis should go to Sheikh Mujib alone, ignoring the contributions of such great leaders as Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq, Maulana Bhasani, Shaheed Suhrawardy, Ziaur Rahman, Tajuddin Ahmed and others.

If we interpret the history correctly, the seed of Bangladesh’s independence was sown in the Lahore Resolution of 1940. Since the Pakistani leaders failed to implement the original version of the resolution, as proposed by Sher-e-Bangla, our struggle started since. Immediately after the partition in1947, came the language movement. The fight for our rights and independent identity continued in various forms from various platforms.

If I am not wrong, it was Maulana Bhasani who first declared, after the 1970 tidal wave that devastated our coastal belt and took few hundred thousand lives, “To the West Pakistanis, As-Salaamualaikum. From now on, my only demand is Independent East Pakistan”.

Undoubtedly, Sheikh Mujib’s contributions for the emancipation of Bangladeshis in the late 60s until March 1971 are overwhelming. Few leaders could muster the type of speech to match the March 7, 1971 speech. However, we cannot ignore Ziaur Rahman who made the independence announcement at the Chittagong Radio Station on March 26/27, 1971 at his own initiative, as well as Tajuddin Ahmed who gave leadership during our crucial liberation war.

Again, why some partisan elements are clamoring for the title of father of the nation? How many countries, out of nearly 200 the world over, have father of the nation? Why is it so important or needed for Bangladesh? If Mujib is not made the father of the nation, will his contribution be diminished?

Mujib’s Legacy After 1971

I do not want to sound unkind to Sheikh Mujib, but, before we deal with the issue, we may look into the following aspects concerning his role and activities since March 1971:

Details of negotiations between the teams of Mujib and Yahya from March 15-24, 1971, to ascertain if Mujib wanted independence or autonomy for Bangladesh, even after his March 7 speech.

Circumstances leading to Mujib’s arrest/surrender on the night of August 25, 1971.

“Witness to Surrender”, by Siddiq Salek

Mujib’s administration between 1972-1975.

Mujib’s creation of Rakkhi Bahini, it’s role and actions.

The deaths and sufferings under the man-made famine of 1974/75.

The declaration of emergency in 1974 and consequent policy changes.

The 4th constitutional amendment in January 1975.

The formation of BAKSAL and its objectives

Under the new political arrangement in 1975, all political parties, political activities, assembly etc were banned except those of the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL). All publications, except the 3 government owned and Ittefaq, were banned. All fundamental rights were suspended.

I would humbly urge the older generation to walk back the memory line and reflect on these events. At the same time, I would request the younger generation, who did not have the fortune or misfortune to understand or experience that “Golden Period” (1972-1975) of Bangladesh, please read the following, among others:

“Indemnity Addyadesh Rohit—Kar Sarthey?” (Repeal of Indemnity—in Whose Interest?) an article by M M Azizul Huq published in the Daily Inqilab on November 1, 1991.

Towards the Emergency” by Badruddin Umar

“War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh” by Richard Sisson and Leo E Rose.

The N Y Times of December 13, 1974.

“Ponorai August Neechak Hatyakandda Chhilona” (15 August Was Not a Mere Killing), by A O Chowdhury, published in the Weekly Thikana of New York on November 22, 1996.

“Desh-Bideshey Jatir Pita” (Father of the Nation Around the World) by Mahmudur Rahman, published in the daily Naya Diganta on April 4, 2007 in Dhaka.

Partisan Issue

The father of the nation has been a partisan matter of Awami League. No other party or the public showed any interest in the issue. Sheikh Mujib named himself president and father of the nation through the 4th constitutional amendment in January 1975, which was nullified after August 15, 1975 and ratified through the 5th amendment in 1979. Sheikh Mujib became father of the nation again for a brief period during the administration of his daughter Sheikh Hasina from 1996-2001. It implies, for 31 out of 36 years of Bangladesh, no one raised the issue of father of the nation, nor one wanted it. Why should the CTG raise this partisan issue to make itself controversial or partisan?

I hope the public does not get a mistaken notion that the army chief is towing a particular party line, though being part of a neutral system.

RKhan
Dhaka, Bangladesh

Wednesday, April 4, 2007

Rouben’s reply to Sajeeb Wazed, the grandson of slain Prime Minister Mujibur Rahman

From One Son to Another

Dear Sajeeb,

I read your interview in the LA Times and, I must first say, my heart goes out to you and all the members of your family who lost loved ones on the night of the military coup on August 15th, 1975. Many innocent people were killed that dark night, including women and children, and these killings were not justified in any way. But now another innocent life is about to be lost and his death will not be justified either. That man is my father, Mohiuddin AKM Ahmed.

You and I were both very young children on that tragic night, a night that destroyed much of your family and a night that is currently destroying mine. Therefore, neither of us really knows what happened when your grandfather’s house was stormed by over 100 soldiers 36 years
ago.

And since the killings that occurred that night were never investigated until twenty-one years after the military coup, we may never know the full truth.

You grew up hearing only one story about that military coup. You, and much of current Bangladesh, was told that a few disgruntled junior officers snuck into your grandfather’s house and systematically killed every one they could.

Well, I think even you would have to agree this scenario is impossible. You, yourself, know your grandfather had a private army that shot back at the 100+ soldiers who entered that home. I think it’s pretty clear to everyone that there were so many bullets flying that dark night; shot by soldiers wearing the standard Bengali black uniform, that it is impossible to tell who was shooting whom.

But what is clear to me is that my father was not one of those soldiers shooting. At the time of the coup my father was following orders and manning a roadblock in the city over a mile away from your grandfather’s house.

Sajeeb….do you not find it odd that after the coup my father was able to have a 20-year diplomatic career, honorably serving Bangladesh, in five foreign countries? My father faithfully represented Bangladesh as a diplomat under eight successive Bangladeshi administrations, including governments influenced by your own Awami League political party. How is it possible for my father to be able to do that if he was the assassin of your family? For 20 years, eight Bangladeshi governments were all able to do a complete background check on my father and say to his hosting countries: Mohiuddin AKM Ahmed is an honorable man. They were able to do so because my father is not the demon you portray him to be.

I know that eyewitnesses in the in absentia trial for my father in 1996 testified that they saw him in the president’s home 21 years earlier. But you know, as well as I do, that 21 years after fact eyewitness testimony is totally unreliable. And, sadly, we both know, eyewitness testimony can be easily bought in our home country. Eyewitnesses can even be intimidated into testifying the false truth. One should not be swayed by self-serving and tutored witnesses. It is my understanding, that many of the ‘witnesses’ were not even present in the palace on the night of the coup. People who were not even in the army at the time of the coup testified they saw my father shooting in the palace. How is that even possible? I would also like to add that there was never any physical evidence placing my father in that house on that night.

You also know, as well as I do, when your mother’s political party appointed the judges in my father’s case, and selected his defense attorney, my father never had a chance. The verdict of death was a 100% certainty before the first day in court in 1996. And now, in 2007, I’m sure the same would be true. After eleven years of propaganda against my father, I’m sure he still wouldn’t get a fair trial in such a highly charged politically orchestrated case.

I’m sorry for your loss. I truly am, but killing an innocent man like my father, will not bring your family back nor serve justice.

Please, let’s not compound one tragedy with another.

Rouben Mohiuddin April 2007